Thursday, April 18, 2013

Hans Jacob Holtzclaw (1683-1763)

Passage from Germany to Germanna, Virginia
Jacob Holtzclaw was one of the fourteen German ironworkers, a total 42 people, from the town of Siegen and Muesen in the principality of Nassau-Siegen, Germany, who upon an agreement with Baron de Graffenreid came to open the mines in Virginia. However, their arrival was early and surprised the Baron, as he had not had an audience with Queen. The families so valued their freedom, they refused to return to their homeland and instead found trades in Europe to support their families until Queen Anne opened the mines. These were master mechanics, and were an intelligent, progressive set of people, which turned Germanna into the first sector of industrialization for Virginia.

THE HOLTZCLAW FAMILY
 Hans Jacob Holtzclaw and Anna Margreth Otterbach
Hans Jacob Holtzclaw, was born in Truppbach, Germany, in 1683, the son of Hans Henrich Holtzclaw and his wife, Gertrut Solbach. He was christened at St. Nicolai Church in Siegen, Germany on Laetare Sunday, 1683. Jacob grew up in Truppbach with his ten brothers and sisters. His parents had moved there in about 1680, when his father, Hans, took the position of Schoolmaster. It is probable that Jacob attended the famous Latin School in Siegen. Jacob's brother, Johann served as schoolmaster at Oberfischbach, a nearby village. In 1707, Johann, who was only thirty-eight years old, died. Immediately after the death of his brother, Hans seems to have been asked to take the position of Schoolmaster in Oberfischbach left vacant by his brother's death. He was then twenty-four years of age. No doubt the acceptance of this new position enabled him to marry the following summer. On the 5th Sunday after Trinity, August 7, 1708, Hans Jacob Holtzclaw, schoolmaster at Oberfischbach, married Anna Margreth, daughter of Hermann Otterbach of Truppbach and his wife, Elizabeth (Heimbach) Otterbach. Anna Margreth was born at Truppbach in 1686, being christened at St. Nicolai Reformed Church in Siegen on the 9th Sunday after Trinity, 1686.
For five years after his marriage, Jacob Holtzclaw lived quietly at Oberfischbach, carrying on his work as schoolmaster. Both of his eldest children were born there.
Germanna was a German settlement in the Colony of Virginia, settled in two waves, first in 1714 and then in 1717.  Virginia Lieutenant Governor Alexander Spotswood encouraged the immigration by advertising in Germany for Miners to move to Virginia and establish a mining industry in the colony.
The name Germanna, selected by Governor Alexander Spotswood, reflected both the German immigrants who sailed across the Atlantic to Virginia and the British Queen, Anne, who was in power at the time of the first settlement at Germanna. Though she was to die only months after the Germans arrived, her name continues to be a part of the area.
The Germanna Colonies consist primarily of the First Colony of forty-two persons from the Siegerland area in Germany brought to Virginia to work for Spotswood in 1714, and the Second Colony of twenty families from the Palatinate and Baden-Wuerttemberg  area of Germany brought in 1717, but also include other German families who joined the first two colonies at later dates. Although many Germanna families later migrated southward and westward from Piedmont, Virginia, genealogical evidence shows that many of the families intermarried for generations, producing a rich genealogical heritage.

First Germanna Colony Timeline
  • Late spring of 1713: the people left Nassau-Siegen, apparently not in a single group
  • Summer of 1713: the people arrived in London
  • January 1714: they left for Virginia on an unknown ship
  • Late March 1714: Spotswood first learns from Col. Nathaniel Blakiston, the agent for Virginia in London, that Germans are coming
  • April 1714: the Germans arrived in Virginia
  • 1716: they started mining operations at the silver mine
  • 1718, early in the year: they were instructed to search for iron
  • During 1718: the search for iron continued and a statement in a courthouse says they worked until December of 1718 at mining and quarrying. Also during the year they made their commitment to buy land at "Germantown." By December of 1718, Spotswood says he spent about 60 pounds on the endeavor so there was no iron furnace.
  • January 1719: they moved to Germantown. Pastor Haeger may not have moved at this time. By this time they had completed the four years of service they committed themselves to in London.
Second Colony Timeline
  • 1717: Eighty-odd Germans from Wuerttemberg, Baden, and the Palatinate agree with Capt. Tarbett in London to take them to Pennsylvania in the ship Scott.
  • 1717/1718: Capt. Tarbett hijacks the Germans to Virginia where they become indentured servants of Lt. Gov. Spotswood
  • 1719/1722: Some of the Germans who left in 1717 arrived in Virginia at a later time
  • 1723/25: Spotswood sues many of the Germans
  • 1725: Most of these Germans move to the Robinson River Valley
  • 1733: Johann Caspar Stoever becomes their (Lutheran) pastor
  • 1740: The German Lutheran Church (Hebron Lutheran Church today) is built with funds raised in Germany
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Hans Jacob Holtzclaw * (1683 - 1763)
is our 7th great grandfather
 daughter of Hans Jacob Holtzclaw *
 daughter of Alice Katherine Holtzclaw *
 son of Margaret Peggy Darnell *
 son of William Bramblett *
son of William Bramblett *Jr.
son of Fielding Bramblett *
son of George Edward Bramblett *
 daughter of Walter Scott Bramblett *

Wednesday, April 3, 2013

Peter Caesar Alberti (1608-1655)

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Just a note I have a DNA match to Alberti, although it is a low probability match.  Five percent of my DNA was low probability matches to various countries.  Here is his story:
Excerpts from "Long Island's First Italian, 1639-Peter Caesar Alberti By Berne A. Pyrke" 
On May 28, 1635, in the evening, the ship de Coninck David, Captain David Pietersen de Vries, skipper, mounting fourteen guns and with a crew of five and twenty men, dropped anchor far down the bay into which the River of the Prince Mauritius poured its water, gathered in the far mountains. Two days later a boat was lowered, into which clambered Captain de Vries and five of the crew. Without an inkling of the fate in store for them, the oarsmen bent to the task of propelling the heavy boat to Fort Amsterdam, five Dutch miles away. No one of the boatload other than the skipper himself was destined ever again to tread the deck of the de Coninck David or of any other vessel. We may guess the reason for this labored method of approaching the fort. Two years before, de Vries had had an unpleasant experience with Wouter Van Twiller, the director general, which still rankled. Van Twiller had searched his ship, confiscated a few beaver skins, charged de Vries with violation of a regulation of the colony, and at one point in the controversy, had ordered the guns of the fort trained on de Vries' vessel, and threatened its destruction. This was bitter medicine to be swallowed by the proud-spirited de Vries, outstanding navigator of the Netherlands and co-founder of the ill-fated Swanendael of the South River, the more unpalatable coming from Van Twiller, just risen from a clerkship in the office of the Company in Amsterdam. De Vries had lodged a complaint in the home office and Van Twiller had learned of it from Kiliaen Van Rensellaer, his uncle. Under the circumstances, it was prudent for de Vries to feel out the situation before bringing his ship within gun range of the fort. There was urgency, however, in the call. The de Coninck David was leaking dangerously, and facilities for repair being lacking in the Virginias, de Vries was forced to make the unplanned run up the coast to New Amsterdam in search of assistance. On arrival at the fort, de Vries found Van Twiller still holding forth, but weighted down with troubles and in a mellow and co-operative mood. Shortly before, he had sent an armed force to the South River to suppress an attempt at colonization by a band of Englishmen from Point Comfort, Virginia, who had seized the site of abandoned Fort Nassau. He had captured the intruders and brought them to New Amsterdam, but was a wit's end to dispose of his troublesome guests. In addition, the English were again becoming aggressive at the Fresh River. All in all, he welcomed the opportunity to consult the experienced de Vries, who was well versed in the ways of the English and had established cordial relations with the settlers in the Virginias. De Vries, deep in conference with Van Twiller, and not indifferent to Van Twiller's unexpected hospitality, decided to remain at the fort while he sent his crew back to the ship. Providentially for him, as it developed, he had found at the fort, one Flips Jansz, an experienced pilot formerly in his employ, and he engaged Flips to accompany the crew and to bring in the ship. To the decision to remain at the fort de Vries owed his life.
With the return journey nearly completed and the de Coninck David but a mile or two away, a violent thunderstorm arose which the small boat found difficult in weathering. Filling with water it went entirely out of control. Two of the panic-stricken crew, Frenchmen, went overboard in a desperate attempt to swim to the ship and were drowned. Towards nightfall two more jumped into the water in a hopeless effort to swim to shore and were seen no more. This left Flips Jansz and de Vries' boatswain alone in the boat. For two days and three nights, the boat was tossed back and forth, the plaything of the maddened waves. In the afternoon of the third day the boatswain announced that he would abandon the boat. Flips' resignation to Providence brought reward. Within a quarter of an hour of the disappearance of the boatswain the boat was cast through the heavy surf to the shore of Long Island. Mustering his remaining strength, Flips dragged himself five or six paces from the water and fell exhausted. Friendly Indians found him, carried him to their habitations, and brought word of the tragedy to the anxious de Vries. Earlier, de Vries, mystified by the failure of the ship to arrive, sent one of the company's yachts to bring in the vessel, and without further untoward incident this was accomplished.
 When the de Coninck David made contact with the wharf, one of the crew, without ceremony leaped ashore, and with quickening pace moved into its shadow. The name of this ex-sailor, for he was to be a lands-man henceforth, was Pietro Caesar Alberto. A native of Malamocco, Republic of Venice, the first of the Italian race to become a settler in New Netherlands, and probably in all of North America, and the progenitor-to- be of all in America of the name Alburtis of Burtis, names once very common on Long Island. This informal and unplanned entrance into New Netherlands of Alberto is veiled heavily in mystery. He had been tentatively identified, by Louis P. De Boer, a Specialist in Old World antecedents of early American settlers, as Guilo Caesare Alberti. He had been baptized in the parish church of San Luca on June 20, 1608, as the son of Andrea Alberti, Secretary of the Ducal Treasury of Venice, and Lady Veronica, his wife. An older son, Pietro, it seems, had died previously, and later, when another son was born, he was also named Pietro, but to avoid an ill omen, was baptized Guilo. Skepticism is in order when high birth is imputed to early settlers in New Amsterdam.
 In 1635 life was hard and drab, and the rewards of effort meager. In that feeble community, struggling to complete its first decade of existence. In fact, it was without doubt one of the last spots on the planet, where one should have searched for a scion of the proud House of Alberti. A notable family of Gothic or Lombardic origin, widely spread in the south of Europe in the disturbed days of the Holy Roman Empire. The New Amsterdam of 1635 was badly and arbitrarily governed, and largely neglected by its sponsor, the Dutch West India Company. Hedged about with savages of uncertain disposition and unpredictable behavior, and already feeling the uncomfortable pressure of the expanding and land-hungry Yankees to the north, they were also forced to meet an occasional aggression from the English well to the south.
 It was in that precise year that the New England Council granted to William, Earl of Stirling, all of Long Island, under the name of the Isle of Stirling, and accompanied the grant with a stern denunciation of the Dutch settlers as intruders. This may have seemed, at the time, as little more than an un-neighborly gesture, but it was deeply portentous of things to come. In a score and a half of years, Colonel Nicholls, an Englishman, with an ample fleet at his back; would, with one daft, utterly lawless, though bloodless strike, sponge all of New Netherlands from the map. Making effective the regal gift of other people's property to the Duke of York and Albany, at the hands of his delightfully generous brother, Charles II.
It is conceivable that Albert's engagement as a crew member on the de Coninck David was animated by a spirit of adventure and that his impulsive decision to throw in his fortune with New Amsterdam was an escape from unhappy, perhaps intolerable, relations with de Vries, who seemingly lacked enthusiasm for Italians. Once in a description of the Indians, de Vries remarked, "They are very vengeful, resembling the Italians." Thirst for adventure was an inborn quality of the Venetians, exemplified in its most bizarre form in the fabulous journeys of Marco Polo into the vastness of Asia, resulting in discoveries fully as momentous as those a little later in the New World of his fellow Italian, Columbus. In truth it was the enchanting tales of Polo, of the riches and wonders of distant China, which fired the imagination of the people of Europe and led indirectly to the discovery of America. The voyage of Captain de Vries in 1634 to South America was calculated to appeal to a spirit of adventure. The fourteen guns gleaming on the deck of the de Coninck David testified pointedly that this was not to be a pleasure cruise. The Thirty Years' War was in full swing and to the natural perils of a trans-Atlantic voyage of that day, were the added hazards of seas haunted by vessels of war, privateers, and pirates.
The outward voyage of two months to Guinea was commonplace enough for the circumstances of the period. The thirty planters were landed in their new home and set to work. After a month spent in organizing his new colony, which like the earlier one at Swanendael, was destined to a short life, de Vries sailed for Virginia in the expectation of recouping the cost of his voyage by exchanging the merchandise of his cargo for good Virginia tobacco leaf. Barely had he started when tidings came of dangers ahead. A refugee told of his escape from the Spaniards, "who had killed between 500 and 600 Englishmen". A little later, off the West Coast of Spain, de Vries encountered a fishing boat with a wood sloop in tow, filled with English refugees who had fled from the island of Tortuga to escape Spanish vengeance. The boats were so laden with human freight that they could not move and de Vries was importuned to take fifty of the unfortunates to a place of safety. De Vries was willing but his crew objected that in such a time it was dangerous to take on board so many strangers, outnumbering the crew two to one. After a long "discourse" in which de Vries sought to quiet the fears of the crew by pointing out that the strangers were not seamen but planters who would not run away with the ship, the views of the skipper prevailed and the Englishmen were taken on board. The reluctance of the crew is understandable in a time when piracy thinly disguised as privateering was one of the most popular, as well as rewarding, forms of patriotic enterprise.
 It is possible that Alberto may have been one of the leading insurgents in this attempt to flout the captain's authority, and the incident may have been the deciding factor in Alberto's determination to break the bond with de Vries. The event determined that de Vries' judgement was sound, as the refugees were safely landed in Virginia, where de Vries unloaded his cargo and after a month's delay pointed for New Amsterdam for repairs to his leaky vessel.
Whether Pietro Alberto was patrician or plebian, the story of his subsequent life in New Amsterdam, as it can be reconstructed in broken outline from the sparse records that have survived three centuries, has interest. There is no way of knowing the reception which Alberto was accorded when he suddenly injected himself into the life of New Amsterdam which is described as containing "a roving waterside population of sailors, longshoremen and traders, including many rough and shiftless characters". But if there was any lifting of eyebrows at the appearance of this unusual type of "foreigner", Alberto could have retorted, in the words of St. Paul, "I am a citizen of no mean city". For Malamocco had for centuries been one of the great powers of Europe, despite its small territory and a permanent population never exceeding 200,000. Dubbed the "Mistress of the Adriatic", it was much more than that. It dominated the carrying trade of the Mediterranean and was an important factor in the coastal trade along the Atlantic seaboard, and its mariners had no superiors anywhere.
 Alberto's first years in New Amsterdam are enshrouded in mystery. Nothing is known beyond the fact that he followed a humble but useful occupation to win his daily bread. We first hear of him in 1639 and in an interesting connection. De Vries was back in New Amsterdam, this time not on his own ship but in a trading vessel of the Company. Again he was bent on founding a colony, this time a patron-ship on Staten Island. Alberto was planning a reception for him, but not in the modern Grover Whalen manner. In January of 1639 Alberto jailed de Vries to compel payment of wages remaining unpaid from the 1635 voyage. De Vries, always belligerent, defended the suit on the ground that Alberto had deserted the ship - as indeed he had - and thereby forfeited the balance unpaid. Alberto was able to produce a witness to show justification for leaving, in that de Vries and twice on the voyage threatened to set Alberto ashore, once in Cayenne and later in Virginia. The court awarded Alberto ten guilders.
 In the same year there is evidence that Alberto had moved up a rung or two in the economic ladder, for on December 15, 1639, he entered a contract with Pieter Montfoort to make a plantation and build a house at the Waal-Bogt "Bay of the Foreigners". It was not until a year and a half later that Alberto secured a patent for the land from the Director General and council of New Amsterdam. Four years subsequently he received a second patent for an adjoining parcel. It is plain that Albert took possession before acquiring formal title. He may have entered into possession under an Indian purchase, but more likely as a squatter, counting upon securing a confirmatory grant form the Dutch authorities in due season. The two farms had a river frontage of about 700 feet, and with the land of Michael Picet, comprised the area now laying between Claremont and Hampden Avenues in modern Brooklyn.
It is a certainty that Alberto was one of the first occupants of land on the Long Island Shore of the East River, and he may well have been the first producer of tobacco on Long Island. It is a pleasing fancy that he derived his idea of becoming a tobacco grower and his understanding of the appropriate cultural practices during the month that the de Coninck David was berthed in the Virginias. The first patent for a "tobacco plantation" in New Netherlands was granted to Thomas Besher on November 28, 1639, a few weeks before Alberto made the contract with Montfoort to make a plantation and build a house. Besher's land was "on the beach of Long Island", probably at Gowanus. There is no way of determining whether Alberto or Besher was the first to make a tobacco crop, but surely Alberto was among the first planters of tobacco on Long Island. Three years before, Jacobus Van Curler was the patentee of an extensive area which became New Amersfoort and later Flatlands, but there is nothing at had to indicate that tobacco was a crop there. The next glimpse we get of Alberto was when he embarked on his greatest adventure, marrying a wife. Among the early marriage records of the Reformed Dutch Church in New Amsterdam is the following entry:1642 den 24 August, Peter Petro Albert, j.m. Van Venetian en Judith Jans, j.d. Van Amsterdam.
 The bride was the daughter of Jan Manje and his wife, Martha Chambart. The Manjes were probably Walloons, that ancient and interesting race of French-speaking provinces of southern Netherlands, many of whom having fled into the northern Netherlands to escape religious persecution were ready immigrants to New Netherlands. They constituted the first farmer element in the new province. Jan Manje has some claim on fame because of being one of the very few casualties of Kieft's insensate Indian War whose identity can be definitely established. As he lay dying from wounds received at the battle of Stamfor, Connecticut (1644), he availed himself of a soldier's privilege of making a nuncupative (oral) will by declaring his testamentary intentions to Councilor La Montage. La Montage, a distinguished physician, while opposed to the war, led the Dutch forces and was Manje's commander, and the appropriate person to receive, and later confirm in court, the dying man's last wishes. Both de Vries and La Montage had protested but without avail when Kieft had declared earlier his intention "to wipe the mouths of the savages".
In the twelve years following the marriage of Pietro and Judith, seven children were born to them. All were properly baptized in the New Amsterdam Dutch Church and given mainly Dutch names - Jan, Marles, Aert, Marritje, Francytie, Willem and Francyn. In selecting names for their offspring Pietro and Judith followed the Dutch custom in naming their first and second-born, Jan and Marles (Martha) for the maternal grandparents. If the practice was adhered to in the naming of the children later born, it may be inferred that the name of the Father of Pietro was Arturo or Gugliermo, rather than Andrea as suggested by De Boer. Of the seven children, Francytie died in infancy and Marles probably did not reach maturity. The early home of the Albertos was on the Heere Graft (Broad Street), from which they moved prior to 1643. This street in early days was "the favorite dwelling place of the quality", but it is not intended to suggest that the Albertos were of that rank. Both Pietro and Judith died shortly before November, 1655. From an allusion in the records to the "stewards of the Deat (dead) and of the Indian sufferers" in connection with the guardianship of the children, an inference has been drawn that they lost their lives in an Indian raid, to which their location on Waal-Bogt might have exposed them. There is no record of how the orphaned group were held together in their precarious situation, following the deaths of both parents. Fifteen years or more later, the records show that the daughters have married and the sons have moved from the Waal-Bogt up Newton Creek and become established at Maspat Kills. Contact with that English community has Anglicized the Dutch given names: Jan has become John, Aert Arthur, and Willem William. John, married Elizabeth, daughter of John Scudder, and early became a substantial property owner and a citizen of recognized standing. Alburtus Avenue in Queens is a present day reminder of the rank of the family in Newtown two and a half centuries ago. Arthur, married Elizabeth, daughter of James Way, a favorably known English-born Quaker, settled in the Foster's Meadows section of Hempstead about 1690 and became the progenitor of the Burtises who for decades were numerous in Hempstead and Oyster Bay. William, whose wife was Mehitabel, moved, about 1701, from Newtown to New Jersey, and eventually became lost to view.
The evolution of the family named Alberto, to the present day style Burtis, is not lacking in interest. The Dutch of the New Netherlands did not generally use surnames. When Pietro Caesar Alberto appeared among them, his full name, especially the cognomen, Alberto, gave them difficulty, and never received complete acceptance. In the records he is described in more than a score of styles, ranging from Pietro Malamocco to Peter Schoorsteenveger, the first indicative of his place of origin, and the second descriptive of his early vocation in New Amsterdam. These variations arose not from uncertainty on the part of Alberto as to his true name, but generally from the language predilection of the clerk, or sometimes the dominie, preparing the document or entering the record. In the court action against de Vries, Alberto was described as Cicero Pierre. It was doubtless a clerk trained in French who wrote the name Pierre. The substitution of Cicero for Caesar occurring in this instance and once five years later when Alberto receipted for his wife's share of her father's estate, cannot be explained except on the ground of the scrivener's confusing the names of the two classical writers, Caesar and Cicero. With the fondness of the Dutch for nicknames, it is a certainly that Alberto in the common speech of the community was called "Peiter the Italian", more formally Pieter Ceser, and occasionally Pieter Mallamacque. The Latin form "Albertus" is clearly a gift of the church through the classically trained Dominie Everardus Bogardus. In that period men attached to the learned professions and particularly individuals engrossed in the classics affected Latinized name forms, of which Everardus Bogardus is an example. Through the baptismal records of the New Amsterdam Dutch Church the Latinizing process at work on the name Alberto can readily be followed. At the time of his marriage, there is no touch of the Latin in the recording of his name as Peter Petro Alberto, but with the baptism of the first child the Latin becomes manifest. When Jan was baptized the father is entered as Petrus Petro Alberto. At the baptism of the second child, Marles, there is a slight backward step, as the father becomes Cesar Alberto, alias Pieter de Italian. Two years later Aert is baptized, and there for the first time the Latin Albertus appears, the father being described as Caesar Albertus. For more than thirty years thereafter and extending down to the second generation, the form "Albertus" is consistently adhered to in the church record. The last family entry was made on October 1, 1676, when Judith, the child of Jan Pietersen Bandt and Marie Pieters (Alberto) was baptized and the child's uncle was recorded as a witness under the name of "Willem Albertus". Dominie Bogardus may have been in a whimsical mood in applying the Latinizing technique to the Alberto family. Conscious that not a few Dutchmen, himself included, had dubbed themselves with Latin names, he may have concluded that it was fitting that the only real Latin among them should, regardless of cultural attainments, be accorded a similar dignity. The change from Albertus to Burtis was probably not in the beginning a matter of decision by the family. The Latin name Albertus was hard for the Dutch to handle, and at an early date it was occasionally the shortened, even in the records to Burtes, Burtos or Burtis. Eventually, the family conformed to the practice of the community, and in about the fourth generation the name Burtis was in nearly universal use. Member of the Burtis family intermarried with a considerable portion of the early Long Island families, including Baylis, Bedell, Carman, Clowes, de Bevois, Dorlom, Duryea, Foster, Fox, Hendrickson, Higbie, Linnington, Mott, Remsen, Van Nosterand, Way and Wycoff. The family speedily became known as Dutch as indeed it was, reflecting the preponderance of Dutch blood through intermarriage. At the normal rates of proliferation there should be in the United States at the present time, upwards of three thousand persons who embody the Alberto genes. Yet, probably not more than a score of them have awareness of their descent from the venturous, industrious, resolute Pietro Alberto.
 Three centuries ago, finding himself, by the whim of fate in an alien community, he adapted himself to his new environment, as if to the manner born. He conformed to the prevailing religion of the community, took to himself an Amsterdam wife, presented his children at the alter of the Dutch church for baptism in Dutch names, in short, became a Dutchman in everything but name and blood. But more important, he established himself as a worthy prototype of the hundreds of thousands of his countrymen. Who, in the intervening years followed his blazed trail to our shores and through their abundant gifts of body, mind and spirit, have contributed significantly to the development and well-being of this, their adopted land.
Pietro Caesar Alberto, Alberti, Albertus * (1608 - 1655)
is our 9th great grandfather
son of Pietro Caesar Alberto, Alberti, Albertus *
daughter of Jan John Albertis *
daughter of Elizabeth Alburtis *
daughter of Mary Jane Stewart *
son of Barbara Ann Reid *
daughter of John Read Long *
son of Nancy Jane Long *
daughter of Levi Springer *
daughter of Mary Mariah Springer *
son of Mary Lou Ella Stewart *


Monday, March 18, 2013

James McKnight Bates (1839-1914)

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James McKnight Bates
Missouri  8th then 9th Regiment Infantry Confederate
The Missouri 9th (Clark's) Infantry Regiment [also called 2nd Regiment] was organized in November, 1862, by consolidating the 8th Infantry Battalion and the Missouri companies of Clarkson's Missouri Cavalry Battalion. The two Arkansas companies of this regiment seceded and merged into Buster's Arkansas Cavalry Battalion. It fought at Prairie Grove, lost 4 killed and 108 wounded at Pleasant Hill, and sustained 52 casualties at Jenkins' Ferry. The regiment disbanded in the spring of 1865.
Battles:
Prairie Grove
Pleasant Hill
Jenkins Ferry
 A border state with both southern and northern influences, Missouri attempted to remain neutral when the war began. However, this was unacceptable to the Federal government, and Union military forces moved against the capital to arrest the legislature and the governor. Governor Claiborne Jackson called out the Missouri State Guard to resist. Union forces under Gen. Nathaniel Lyon seized the state capital, and a minority of pro-Union members of the legislature declared the governor removed from office. They appointed a pro-Union governor, and the Federal government recognized him even though he had not been elected. This resulted in a civil war within the state, as Missourians divided and joined both the Union and Confederate armies. Missouri sent representatives to the United States Congress and the Confederate States Congress, and was represented by a star on both flags.
I don't have any more information on James McKnight Bates except a note that his daughter married the son of John Martin Holland.  This marriage ended in divorce.
James McKnight Bates * (1839 - 1914)
is our 2nd great grandfather
daughter of James McKnight Bates *
daughter of Sarah Jane Bates *
daughter of Ollie Florence Holland *


John Martin Holland (1835-1926)

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John Martin Holland
The 9th Kentucky Volunteer Infantry Regiment was an infantry regiment that served in the Union Army during the American Civil War.
November 20, 1861 to December 15, 1864
Battle of Shiloh
Seige of Corinth
Battle of Perryville
Battle of Stones River
Tullahoma Campaign
Battle of Chickamauga
Chattanooga Campaign
Battle of Missionary Ridge
Atlanta Campaign
Battle Resaca
Battle of Kennesaw Mountain
Battle of Peachtree Creek
Seige of Atlanta
Battle of Jonesboro
Battle of Lovejoy's Station
The regiment lost a total of 357 men during service; 8 officers and 96 enlisted men killed or mortally wounded, 3 officers and 250 enlisted men died of disease.
There was much bitterness among the people of Tennessee as the Civil War came, and the Confederacy first began to call for volunteers and then to conscript, or draft, their young men. Many Macon Countians took their young sons just acrosss the Kentucky line to enlist in the Union Army because they were disturbed over leaving the Union.
Wiley and Scott Holland enlisted in the Union Army. Wiley became a first lieutenant in the Kentucky 5th Cavalry, and his younger brother, John, joined the infantry and later rode with bushwhackers.  The Hollands, having survived Shiloh, were to prepare for two more major conflicts.  On September 19 and 20, 1863, Union and Confederate forces clashed near Chickamauga Creek, in what proved to be another of the bloodiest battles of the Civil War. The victorious Confederates drove their adversaries back into Chatanooga and seized the city.  In November of 1863, Union forces reclaimed Lookout Mountain from the Confederates in what became known as the Battle Above the Clouds. The battle of Chatanooga ensued. This important Federal victory opened the door to the deep south and set the stage for General William Tecumseh Sherman's march from Atlanta, Georgia, to the sea. The North lost 5,915 men; the South lost 667. Again, both Hollands survived.  The brothers were fighting under the command of General Sherman who marched an army across Georgia to the sea then after Savannah fell, he moved north through the Carolinas. The general commanded a brigade at the first Battle of Bull Run, and was in command and fought with Grant at Shiloh. His army took part in the capture of Vicksburg in 1863. He later helped relieve the Union Army at Chattanooga.  It was March 3, 1865, in the Carolinas at a place known as Monroe's Crossroads where Lt. Wiley Holland was wounded, ending his army career. He was part of a cavalry division led by General Kilpatrick, which was a unit of Sherman's Army. An affidavit from the war department archives describes how he was wounded while leading a charge againse the Confederate cavalry, led by General Wade Hampton.  Lt. Holland, with the Kentucky 5th Cavalry, had marched until nine o'clock the previous night. The unit stopped and set up camp at Monroe's Crossroads. The Southern cavalry, not wanting to fight a defensive battle and in an attempt to protect the city of Raleigh, North Carolina, decided the best defense was a good offense. They came out to meet the northern invaders of their homeland.  Lt. Holland, having gotten his unit mounted, although clad in their underclothes, was leading a cavalry charge to drive the Rebels from their camp when he was knocked from his horse. He had taken a rifle ball in his left knee. 
 All Holland brothers survived the war and returned home to their young families in Macon County, Tennessee. They found a great division among their former friends and neighbors as to their different views, actions and parts played in the war. Families split, and neighbors quarreled and sometimes fought. 
 Harold G. Blankenship, a Macon County historian and distant cousin to the Hollands, writes: "After the War, neighbors split politically and even some religiously, over their feelings about the war--Confederate sympathizers, following the Democratic party, while most Union people became Republicans. Macon County, even today, is split politically anong those lines. The Hollands became Republicans. John Holland's son, Jim, later served Ripley County, Missouri for 28 years as a Republican county judge." 
 The Holland family, longing for a more peaceable place to live and raise their families where they could forget the slaughter and ravages of war, moved to Ripley County, Missouri. Minerva and William, their sons, Wiley, John, and a younger brother, Scott, and their daughter, Minerva, who was married to Beverly Donaho, settled 15 miles southwest of Doniphan in the community of Tucker.  The journey to Missouri was recalled to family members by Mark and Clark Holland, twin sons of Lt. Holland, many years later. They were boarding a train for Missouri on April 14, 1865, at Red Boiling Springs, Tennessee, when word came down the line that President Abraham Lincoln had been assassinated.
The legacy of bitterness left by the war in Ripley County was no different from that left behind them in Macon County. Horror stories emerged from such acts of violence as the slaughtering of women and children by Union troops at the Christmas Day Massacre at Pulliam Spring, a spring from which the Holland family was to get their drinking water for the next 60 years. This incident, and that of the burning of the town of Doniphan, were two of the worst examples of death and destruction thrust upon the civilian population of Ripley County by the military. The post-war era in Ripley County was a very painful period of adjustment for those woefully wronged during the war.
John Martin Holland returned from the Civil War a crippled man suffering from chronic rheumatic joint disease and blindness. He went in as a corporal and was promoted to sargent.
John Martin Holland * (1835 - 1926)
is our 2nd great grandfather
son of John Martin Holland *
daughter of Martin Crenshaw Holland *
daughter of Ollie Florence Holland *






Thursday, March 14, 2013

Glencole Scotland Massacre 12 February 1692




Oh cruel is the snow that sweeps Glencoe
And covers the grave o' Donald
And cruel was the foe that raped Glencoe
And murdered the house o' MacDonald
They came in the night when the men were asleep
That band of Argyles, through snow soft and deep.
Like murdering foxes, among helpless sheep
They slaughtered the house o' MacDonald
Chorus
  1. They came through the blizzard, we offered them heat
    A roof ower their heads, dry shoes for their feet.
    We wined them and dined them, they ate of our meat
    And slept m the house O' MacDonald
    Chorus
  2. They came from Fort William with murder mind
    The Campbell's had orders, King William had signed
    Put all to the sword, these words underlined
    And leave none alive called MacDonald
    Chorus
  3. Some died in their beds at the hands of the foe
    Some fled in the night, and were lost in the snow.
    Some lived to accuse hlm, that struck the first blow
    But gone was the house of MacDonald
    Chorus
Words and music Jim Mclean, Publisher Duart Music 1963
 © Scotland Talking 1992    
"You are hereby ordered to fall upon the rebels, the MacDonalds of Glencoe, and put all to the sword under seventy.   You are to have a special care that the old fox and his sons do upon no account escape your hands.  You are to secure all the avenues that no man escape."
There is no valley in Scotland which nature has endowed with more majesty, more savage beauty than Glencoe.  The mountains rise in stupendous masses all around forming an amphitheatre, vast in extent and preserving a stillness and an awesome solemnity.
But that stillness, that solemnity which impresses itself upon every traveller can never, with any certainty, be attributed solely to the desolate appearance of the glen.  It's not hard to imagine that it emanates, rather, from something much more intangible. Three hundred years ago, in the early hours of a cold February morning, the snow covered valley of Glencoe was stained with the blood of the unsuspecting MacDonalds,  executed by order of the Sovereign.
At the end of August 1691, King William III had published a proclamation, offering an amnesty to the highlanders who had fought for James VII (&II of England),  conditional upon their swearing an oath of allegiance before the 1st of January, and on penalty of military execution after that date.
The taking of such an oath must have seemed, to someone not particularly troubled by a sense of honour, a simple task to which there could be no impediment other than obstinacy but, to the Highlanders, there was more than just the distasteful matter of their submission to the Crown.  The Jacobite clans had already sworn an oath of allegiance to King James, now in exile in France.  A further oath to King William could clearly have no meaning unless James could be persuaded to release them from the first.
Ambassadors were sent to await the exiled King's decision, a decision which was not forthcoming until the 12th of December, 19 days before the amnesty was due to expire.  It would take nine of these for the ambassador to journey back to Edinburgh and then several days more before messengers could reach the first of the chieftains.  It was no earlier than the 29th of December when Alexander MacDonald, traditionally known as MacIain, clan chief of the MacDonalds of Glencoe received word that King James had considered the safety of the clans and that they were all discharged of their allegiance to him.  In common with other chiefs who had supported the Jacobite cause, MacDonald, perhaps with as much relief as reluctance, resolved to accept the amnesty and swear his allegiance to King William.
Throughout his life, this Godfather-like figure had earned and been accorded the utmost respect from his people.  To be forced to swear allegiance to King William was a wound to his pride and much has been made of the fact that MacDonald left the taking of the oath until the last possible minute but the facts tell a different story.
On the morning of the 30th of December he set off for the newly built Fort William at Inverlochy, arriving in the small hours of the 31st, the last day allowed by the proclamation.  He presented himself to Colonel John Hill, the Governor of Fort William, and asked him to administer the oath of allegiance.  The ruling, however, was quite clear... only the civil magistrate of the district could administer the oath.  In spite of MacDonald's protest that no magistrate could have been reached before the day was out, Hill had no choice but to advise MacDonald to undertake, instantly, the 74 mile journey to Inverary.  He gave him a letter to present to Sir Colin Campbell, the sheriff of Argyllshire requesting Sir Colin to administer the oath and suggesting that "a lost sheep" might be welcome at any time.
The chieftain left Fort William immediately.  His journey took him through mountains almost impassable at that time of year, the country being covered with a deep snow yet, in his anxiety to reach Inverary, he made as much speed as possible, not even stopping to tell his family what was happening, though he passed within half a mile of his own house.
About half-way to his destination, passing through Barcaldine Estate, he was seized by a group of Grenadiers under the command of Captain Thomas Drummond of Argyll's regiment.  He had, of course, in his possession, the letter from Colonel Hill proving the urgency of his business.  This was enough to persuade Drummond to lock him up for 24 hours, thereby ensuring that he could not possibly complete the journey in time.
He eventually arrived at Inverary on the 2nd, only to be told that Sir Colin Campbell had not yet returned from the New Year's festivities.  He had to wait a further 3 days to meet the sheriff and then, as the time allowed under the proclamation had clearly expired, Sir Colin, at first, refused to administer the oath.  In the end, however, persuaded of the gravity of MacDonald's situation, the sheriff relented and, on the 6th of January 1692, the oath of allegiance was administered to MacIain - Alexander MacDonald, Clan Chief, of the MacDonalds of Glencoe.  MacDonald then returned home, confident that, having done his utmost to comply with the injunction, he and his people were free from danger.
For all the bad blood which existed between the Campbell and the MacDonald clans, Sir Colin Campbell appears to have been anxious to see that no action be taken against Glencoe for the transgression which seemed, after all, to amount to no more than a technicality.
In his reply to Colonel Hill's letter, he writes:
"I endeavoured to receive the great lost sheep, Glencoe, and he has undertaken to bring in all his friends and followers as the Privy Council shall order.  I am sending to Edinburgh that Glencoe, though he was mistaken in coming to you to take the oath of allegiance, might yet be welcome.  Take care that he and his followers do not suffer till the King and Council's pleasure be known."
He then sent, to his sheriff-clerk in Edinburgh, another Colin Campbell, the letter which he had received from Colonel Hill, together with a certificate testifying that MacDonald, amongst others, had taken the oath.  He asked the sheriff-clerk to lay the documents before the Privy Council and to report back with the Council's decision regarding MacDonald's oath.  Sheriff-clerk Campbell, however, like many of his profession, had an abhorrence of all things irregular, and like many of his name, an equal abhorrence of all things MacDonald.
Some furtive discussions now took place, involving other lawyers, clerks to the Council and certain Privy Councillors, in an unofficial capacity.  As a result of these discussions, it fell upon Campbell to eliminate a possibility which had occurred to them all... that the Privy Council might just let MacDonald off the hook.  If the question of Glencoe's tardy oath, with all its legal implications and political ramifications had taken up much of their time, the solution, once decided, was quick... The sheriff-clerk simply scored MacDonald's name off the certificate.
The rich and colourful yet frequently violent history of the Highlands of Scotland owes much to both the Campbells and the MacDonalds, and the number of enemies that the Glencoe Clan had made was, to them, a matter of pride rather than regret but that this official should take so much upon himself is hardly explained by his traditional enmity towards the MacDonalds.  He defaced the certificate in the sure and certain knowledge that he was pleasing his superiors and in particular, the subtle and ruthless personage of the Scottish Secretary, Sir John Dalrymple, Master of Stair.
Dalrymple's contempt for the highlanders, and the MacDonalds in particular, is a matter of record.  The hatred which all but consumed this powerful player in Scottish politics can be glimpsed in his letter of the 7th January to Sir Thomas Livingston, the Commander-in-Chief of the King's forces in Scotland,
"you know, in general, that these troops posted at Inverness and Inverlochie will be ordered to take in the house of Invergarry, and to destroy entirely the country of Lochaber, Lochiel's lands, Keppoch's, Glengarie's, Appin and Glencoe.  I assure you your power shall be full enough, and I hope the soldiers will not trouble the Government with prisoners."
There followed a brief period of confusion as to who had and had not taken the oath but on the 11th of January, Dalrymple despatched a set of instructions empowering Livingston to enforce the penalties of the proclamation upon all the so-called rebel clans, the document being signed both at the beginning and the end by the King.
"You are hereby ordered and authorised to march our troops which are now posted at Inverlochy and Inverness and to act against these Highland rebels who have not taken the benefit of our indemnity, by fire and sword and all manner of hostility; to burn their houses, seize or destroy their goods or cattle, plenishings or clothes, and to cut off the men."
The King's orders also allowed Livingston to show mercy and to take the chieftains as prisoners of war, provided they then take the oath but, as before, these orders were accompanied by Dalrymple's letter which reads,
"Only just now, my Lord Argyle tells me that MacDonald of Glencoe has not taken the oath, at which I rejoice.  It is a great work of charity to be exact in rooting out that damnable sept, the worst of the Highlands."
Now, with the official confirmation that MacDonald had not sworn, the extensive military exercise, previously planned, was no longer necessary.  A quick, brutal, punitive strike against Glencoe would suffice to bring the other rebel clans to heel and the bulk of King William's forces could be released for more important duties on the Continent.
Further orders bearing the date of the 16th of January, again signed and countersigned by the King were despatched by Dalrymple.  The fourth clause sealed the fate of Glencoe and his people.
"If MacIain of Glencoe, and that tribe, can be well separated from the rest, it will be a proper vindication of the public justice to extirpate that set of thieves."
Immediately on receipt of his instructions, Livingston wrote not to Colonel Hill but to his deputy, Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, who, unlike his superior, could be relied upon "not to reason why."  In this letter, he points out that this would be a good occasion for Hamilton to show that his garrison served for some use.  The instructions were clear:  he should begin with MacIain of Glencoe, spare nothing of what belongs to him... and then, a familiar phrase, "not to trouble the Government with prisoners."
In preparation to carrying out the massacre, two companies of Argyle's regiment, a total of about 120 men, under the command of Captain Robert Campbell of Glenlyon, were ordered to proceed to Glencoe by the beginning of February, and under pretext, to remain there and await further orders. Glenlyon had a well-justified personal grudge against the  MacDonalds of Glencoe who, less than two years since, returning from battle, had left a wake of destruction as they passed through his estate.  It may be mere coincidence that Campbell of Glenlyon was chosen for this task but the fact that this enemy of the MacDonalds also had a niece who was married to MacDonald's younger son was certainly no disadvantage to Dalrymple's strategy.
It's also interesting that Campbell was in charge not only of his own company of infantrymen but also the battalion's finest and most trusted troops, the grenadiers.  Their own captain would be absent until the eve of the massacre and with very good reason:  he was the same Captain Thomas Drummond whom Glencoe had encountered on his way to take the oath of allegiance.
In order to persuade the MacDonalds that this military force presented no threat to them, an explanation was contrived to the effect that their sole purpose in being in Glencoe was to collect arrears of taxes in the surrounding area and that they sought convenient quarters to enable them to perform that duty.  They had, in their possession, proof of this bogus assignment:  papers, signed by a now deeply troubled Colonel Hill, the Governor of Fort William.  They also gave their word that they came as friends and that no harm would be done to the person or properties of the chief and his tenants.  They and their men were made welcome by the MacDonald families and given free lodgings in the villages throughout the glen.  For twelve days, they were entertained by Glencoe, his family and his people.  Indeed, almost every day, Glenlyon visited his niece, Sarah, and young Sandy MacDonald, enjoying, in the traditions of Highland hospitality, a regular drink in their company.
It is remarkable that this Government who sought to bind the Highland clans by their honour in an oath of allegiance, should choose to resolve their own difficulties by unprecedented dishonour and treachery but Dalrymple's plot amounted to no more, and no less.
The true circumstances of MacDonald's transgression had soon been swept under the carpet and a general enthusiasm to make an example of the MacDonalds had gathered an unseemly momentum.  Dalrymple maintained his pressure on the military, inciting them to the carnage.  On the 30th of January, in a letter to Sir Thomas Livingston,  he wrote,
"I am glad Glencoe did not come within the time prescribed.  I hope what's done there may be done in earnest, since
the rest of them are in no condition to draw together to help.  I think to plunder their cattle and burn their houses would only make them desperate men, who would live outside the law and rob their neighbours but I know you will agree that it will be a great advantage to the nation, when that thieving tribe is rooted out and cut off."
On the same day, in a letter to Colonel Hill, he says, "when it comes the time to deal with Glencoe, let it be secret and sudden.  It is better not to meddle with them at all, if it cannot be done to purpose, and better to cut off that nest of robbers who have fallen foul of the law, now, when we have both the power and the opportunity.  When the full force of the King's Justice is seen to come down upon them, that example will be as conspicuous and useful as is his clemency to others. "I understand the weather is so bad that you will be unable to move for some time but I know you will be in action as soon as possible, for these false people will not hesitate to attack you if they come to suspect you might be a threat to them."
Finally, on the 12th of February, at Dalrymple's absolute insistence, Colonel Hill, gave the order to Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, to execute the instructions already in his possession.
A simultaneous assault on key locations in Glencoe was determined for 7 a.m. the following morning.  To one location, Hamilton was to take a party of Hill's regiment.  Several posts were assigned to a detachment of Argyll's regiment under the command of Major Robert Duncanson, now encamped in readiness only a few miles from Glencoe on the other side of Loch Leven, and at his quarters in the very midst of the MacDonalds, Captain Campbell of Glenlyon was finally instructed as to the true object of his mission. The orders came from Duncanson and, in the first three sentences, the full horror of Glenlyon's task was made brutally clear.
"You are hereby ordered to fall upon the rebels, the MacDonalds of Glencoe, and put all to the sword under seventy.   You are to have a special care that the old fox and his sons do upon no account escape your hands.  You are to secure all the avenues that no man escape."
[And then, in the next line, .... a deliberate error...]
"This you are to put in execution at five of the clock precisely; and by that time, or very shortly after it, I'll strive to be at you with a stronger party.  If I do not come to you at five, you are not to tarry for me but to fall on.
[By a simple matter of bringing the time of the assault forward by two hours, Duncanson effectively puts half a mile of Loch Leven water between himself and the massacre.  He concludes with all the authority and threat that might be expected of him.]
 "This is by the King's special command, for the good and safety of the country that these miscreants be cut off root and branch.  See that this be put in execution without feud or favour, else you may expect to be dealt with as one not true to King nor Government, nor a man fit to carry Commission in the King's service. Expecting you will not fail in the fulfilling hereof, as you love yourself. I subscribe these with my hand at Ballachulish, February 12th, 1692.
Robert Duncanson."
As Campbell of Glenlyon considered his orders, two officers under Hamilton's command to the north were being held under close arrest for putting conscience before duty and refusing to march on Glencoe.
It is to the eternal shame of Glenlyon and, to an extent, every man who bears the name Campbell, that, after almost a fortnight of living  under the same roof as the MacDonalds, and of sharing their table, while the drink, the wit and the conversation flowed ever more freely, he did not follow the same course as these two officers who broke their swords and "damn the consequences."
That evening, Campbell of Glenlyon carried out the final spurious gesture of friendship by playing cards with John and Alexander MacDonald, the sons of the chieftain.  He had also accepted an invitation from MacIain himself to dine with him the following day.
In the early hours of Saturday the 13th of February, while the rest of the valley slept, Campbell's men were making ready for the assault.  Stealth was central to the success of whole operation yet it was soldiers calling to him from outside his window which woke John MacDonald, the elder son of the chief.
Before he could make any sense of the incident, they were gone, the shouts now muffled and fading in the heavy snow.  It was impossible to tell.... had it been a prank or had the soldiers been trying to warn him of something?  Whatever their intent, there was military activity afoot and, at such an hour, it at least warranted investigation.  He got dressed and made his way to Glenlyon's quarters at the village of Inveriggan but he was unprepared for the scene which confronted him on his arrival.  The whole detachment was present and preparations for an imminent action were well under way.
If MacDonald's alarm caused him to hold back for a moment, the appearance of the senior officer, the now familiar figure of Campbell of Glenlyon, who, only hours ago, had been his adversary over the card table,  must have restored his confidence.  He asked, outright, for an explanation. Glenlyon confided that the troops had orders to march against some of Glengarry's men and assured him that there was no hostile intention towards the MacDonalds.  Indeed, it was foolish to think otherwise for if, God forbid,  he was contemplating any action against Glencoe, would he not have told Sandy and his own niece?
The explanation could not have been more simple, nor the argument more plausible.  It may have left MacDonald perplexed, his instinct telling him one thing, his reason insisting upon another, but he returned to his home and his bed.
He was prevented from sleeping by his old servant who was finding the story hard to accept.  Something, he felt, just didn't ring true.  ...and where was MacDonald of Inveriggan?  Why was he not up and about?  Was it not strange that with all this going on over there that not one of the MacDonalds had stirred?  It was indeed strange but John MacDonald was satisfied that Glenlyon had spoken the truth...  then again, if the old man insisted upon keeping vigil, he saw no reason to stop him.
Within minutes, the servant was back in the room.  There were troops approaching the house.  Even before the man had finished speaking, MacDonald was out of bed and at the door, shouting back instructions to waken his brother, Sandy.  The troops weren't far off.  He made their number to be about twenty.  They carried muskets with fixed bayonets.
Moments later, the soldiers had the house surrounded.  The door was thrown open and they burst in.  They searched every room, though it had been obvious from the start - the family had gone and, their tracks being covered by the blizzard, pursuit would be futile.  This, however, was possibly the last time that the bitter wind and driving snow would be a friend to the MacDonalds of Glencoe. The massacre commenced at five o' clock in three villages at once.  At his quarters at Inveriggan, Campbell of Glenlyon ordered that nine men who had been bound and gagged for the past few hours be dealt with.  They were taken outside and shot, one by one.  MacDonald of Inveriggan, Glenlyon's own host for the past fortnight, was one of these.  This man had in his possession a letter of protection signed by Colonel Hill.
High in the hill above the village of Auchnaion, the shots were heard by John and Sandy MacDonald, their families and their servants, but the real extent of the butchery at Inveriggan could not be imagined.  Captain Thomas Drummond was there and making his presence felt.  Glenlyon had been reluctant to take the life of a young man of about twenty years of age, but he was challenged by Drummond who was not a man to allow compassion, to interfere with his duty.  Why, in view of the orders, was this man still alive?  Before Glenlyon could venture an answer, the young man was shot dead.   Drummond also ran his dagger through the body of a 12 year old boy who had grasped Campbell by the legs, offering to go anywhere with him if he would spare his life.
The cruelty at Inveriggan included the slaughter of a woman and her five year old son, but instances of an equal barbarity were to be found elsewhere that morning.  At Carnoch, the pretence of friendship was carried as far as the chieftain's door when Glenlyon's junior officer, Lieutenant Lindsay, arrived with a party of soldiers.   After making their apologies to the servant for calling so early, MacIain's murderers were actually invited into the house.
Glencoe was shot twice as he was getting out of  bed and fell lifeless in front of his wife.  One ball entered the back of his head, the other penetrated his body.  His wife was stripped naked and thrown out of the house.  One of the soldiers is said to have pulled the rings from her fingers with his teeth and then she was left to lie in the snow.  She died the following day.
At the laird's house in the village of Auchnaion, a group of nine men were gathered round the fire.  They had been wakened in the early hours when the soldiers who were staying with them were first drawn out of the houses.  A detail under the command of Sergeant Barber who had been quartered in that very house put an end to their discussion.  Five of the men were killed instantly and another three were wounded.  MacDonald of Auchintriaten, who died there in his brother's house,  had, in his pocket, a letter of protection signed by Colonel Hill.  Three men escaped by the back of the house but Auchintriaten's brother remained, motionless, on the floor.  Barber was about to finish him off when the MacDonald asked if he was to be killed under the roof that they had shared for the past fortnight.  The sergeant conceded the point.  Since he'd been eating MacDonald's meat, he would do him the favour of killing him outside.  Two soldiers escorted him out but, once through the door, MacDonald threw his plaid over their faces and he, too, escaped and lived to recount the story. Some told of soldiers who deliberately allowed men to slip away or who fired over the heads of the men they had been ordered to pursue but the few pathetic accounts of an escape from the slaughter are eclipsed by the catalogue of utter misery and agony inflicted in the name of righteousness and justice.
Throughout the glen, men were dragged from their beds and murdered.  The soldiers torched the houses as they went, and a scene of the most heart rending description ensued.  Ejected from their burning homes, women of all ages, some almost in a state of nudity, the old and the frail, mothers carrying infants and some with helpless children clinging to them, were to be seen all wending their way into the mountains in a piercing snow storm.  One by one, they were overcome by fatigue and exposure and, before any shelter could be reached, many of them perished miserably in the snow.
Three weeks later, on the 5th of March, the architect of this so-called "great work of charity", the Scottish Secretary, Sir John Dalrymple, confessed that all he regretted was that any of the MacDonalds got away.
Fortunately for society, most of Dalrymple's peers were not his equal.  In every quarter, even at court, the account of the massacre was received with horror and indignation.  It is said that the anger of the nation rose to such a pitch that had the exiled monarch appeared at the head of a few thousand men, he would probably have succeeded in regaining his crown.
The ministry and even King William grew alarmed and, to pacify the people, he dismissed Dalrymple from his councils and appointed a commission of enquiry to investigate the affair.  In his defence, the King explained that he had signed the execution order among a mass of other papers, without knowing its contents.  The commissioners, however, seem to have taken the view that, since the orders were both signed and countersigned by His Majesty, the public would not readily accept that as credible.  The explanation which they put forward was even less credible, but deliberately so.  In barefaced defiance of the intellect of every reasonable person, they claimed that there was nothing in the King's instructions to warrant the slaughter.  The effect was that public outrage was replaced by utter bewilderment.  At some point, the fiction was then ventured that the massacre was merely the result of a long standing feud between the Campbell and the MacDonald clans. This finally deflected the attention away from the dishonour and the barbarity of the military exercise as a subject of public concern and all was well, once again.  The whole affair would soon be forgotten by all but the Jacobites.  Although the commission blamed Dalrymple for the atrocity, neither he nor any of the other participants were ever brought to trial, for the obvious reason that they would have cited, in their defence, the King's orders to extirpate the clan.
The myth of the "Campbells & MacDonalds" falls far short of the truth but, like all mythology,  it is not without foundation.  During the previous year, the Government's hopes to secure a peace in the Highlands had centred on the diplomatic efforts of Sir John Campbell, the Earl of Breadalbane.  As early as June 1691, the MacDonalds might have agreed to end hostilities but Breadalbane undermined his own skills as a negotiator by introducing a personal grievance which really boiled down to a matter of some stolen cows, and the opportunity was lost.  Having failed to get satisfaction from Glencoe over the business of the cattle, his mind may have turned to revenge and there is evidence to support the belief that it was he who first suggested to Dalrymple that the MacDonalds of Glencoe be singled out as an example of the King's justice.  Three months after the massacre, Breadalbane, ever the negotiator, had no qualms about contacting Glencoe's sons and offering to use his influence to have reparations awarded to them if they would declare, publicly, that he had no part in it.
We tend to think on government propaganda as being a modern device but here is a story, more than three hundred years old, and, even now, the fiction of the Campbells and the MacDonalds is remembered; Glencoe, if the government's apologists were to be believed, was some sort of clan feud which descended into a dishonourable butchery. And they are widely believed! It's now become a sort of romantic curiosity for the tourist trade. I might as well declare an interest at this point. Being a Campbell, by name, and a Jacobite by nature, descended from a long line of recusants (interesting how many people don't even know what that means) and Jacobites, this story strikes a chord. Decent, ordinary people in 1692 would have found it a lot easier to believe the story of the Campbells and the MacDonalds than to come to terms with the fact that their King sanctioned and the Scottish Secretary planned one of the most dishonourable massacres in history. Nothing changes.
It is probable that the massacre of Glencoe was conceived in a Campbell mind, made possible through Campbell complicity, and achieved by a Campbell's dishonour, but behind it was a driving force and a guiding hand which belonged to the Scottish Secretary, Sir John Dalrymple, Master of Stair.  Ten years later, that same hand would be helping, in no small measure, to guide Scotland towards the Union of the Parliaments, but that's another story.
©Scotland Talking 1992
A copy of a Scottish Records Office publication, providing references to some of the sources of documentary evidence used in preparation of the foregoing account, has been uploaded in image form (i.e. I haven't yet had time to transcribe it).  The images have been compressed as much as possible (50kb & 120kb).  

  • An audio cassette of this story was produced in 1992 by "Scotland Talking" and the preceding account of the massacre is essentially a copy of the script for that production.
  • Narrated by actor James Bryce, one of Scotland's top story-tellers, the Massacre of Glencoe was researched and written by Jimmy Powdrell Campbell.

I found this on Ancestry.com.
http://mediasvc.ancestry.com/image/20006b8e-528c-4c26-81cd-6ea9a7b9297f.jpg?Client=Trees&NamespaceID=1093
Glencole Order
Our Family has three tree lines going through Alexander MacDonald who died in the Glencole Massacre in 1692.  They are as follows:
Alexander Mcdonald * (1612 - 1692)
is our 8th great grandfather
son of Alexander Mcdonald *
son of Bryan Mcdonald *
son of Bryan Mcdonald *Jr
son of James McDaniel or McDonald *
son of Magness McDonald *
daughter of John or Jack McDonald or McDaniel *
son of Nancy S McDonald *
daughter of Martin Crenshaw Holland *
daughter of Ollie Florence Holland *
Alexander McDonald ** (1612 - 1692)
is our 8th great grandfather
son of Alexander McDonald **
son of Bryan Mcdonald *
son of *John MacDonnell
daughter of John McDaniel *
son of Hannah McDaniel McDonald *
son of Uriah Springer *
daughter of Levi Springer *
daughter of Mary Mariah Springer *
son of Mary Lou Ella Stewart *
Alexander McDonald *** (1612 - 1692)

is our 8th great grandfather


son of Alexander McDonald ***


son of Bryan Mcdonald


son of John MacDonnell


daughter of John McDaniel *


son of Hannah McDaniel *


daughter of John Springer *


daughter of Nancy Springer *


daughter of Mary Mariah Springer *


son of Mary Lou Ella Stewart *