Thursday, April 18, 2013

Hans Jacob Holtzclaw (1683-1763)

Passage from Germany to Germanna, Virginia
Jacob Holtzclaw was one of the fourteen German ironworkers, a total 42 people, from the town of Siegen and Muesen in the principality of Nassau-Siegen, Germany, who upon an agreement with Baron de Graffenreid came to open the mines in Virginia. However, their arrival was early and surprised the Baron, as he had not had an audience with Queen. The families so valued their freedom, they refused to return to their homeland and instead found trades in Europe to support their families until Queen Anne opened the mines. These were master mechanics, and were an intelligent, progressive set of people, which turned Germanna into the first sector of industrialization for Virginia.

THE HOLTZCLAW FAMILY
 Hans Jacob Holtzclaw and Anna Margreth Otterbach
Hans Jacob Holtzclaw, was born in Truppbach, Germany, in 1683, the son of Hans Henrich Holtzclaw and his wife, Gertrut Solbach. He was christened at St. Nicolai Church in Siegen, Germany on Laetare Sunday, 1683. Jacob grew up in Truppbach with his ten brothers and sisters. His parents had moved there in about 1680, when his father, Hans, took the position of Schoolmaster. It is probable that Jacob attended the famous Latin School in Siegen. Jacob's brother, Johann served as schoolmaster at Oberfischbach, a nearby village. In 1707, Johann, who was only thirty-eight years old, died. Immediately after the death of his brother, Hans seems to have been asked to take the position of Schoolmaster in Oberfischbach left vacant by his brother's death. He was then twenty-four years of age. No doubt the acceptance of this new position enabled him to marry the following summer. On the 5th Sunday after Trinity, August 7, 1708, Hans Jacob Holtzclaw, schoolmaster at Oberfischbach, married Anna Margreth, daughter of Hermann Otterbach of Truppbach and his wife, Elizabeth (Heimbach) Otterbach. Anna Margreth was born at Truppbach in 1686, being christened at St. Nicolai Reformed Church in Siegen on the 9th Sunday after Trinity, 1686.
For five years after his marriage, Jacob Holtzclaw lived quietly at Oberfischbach, carrying on his work as schoolmaster. Both of his eldest children were born there.
Germanna was a German settlement in the Colony of Virginia, settled in two waves, first in 1714 and then in 1717.  Virginia Lieutenant Governor Alexander Spotswood encouraged the immigration by advertising in Germany for Miners to move to Virginia and establish a mining industry in the colony.
The name Germanna, selected by Governor Alexander Spotswood, reflected both the German immigrants who sailed across the Atlantic to Virginia and the British Queen, Anne, who was in power at the time of the first settlement at Germanna. Though she was to die only months after the Germans arrived, her name continues to be a part of the area.
The Germanna Colonies consist primarily of the First Colony of forty-two persons from the Siegerland area in Germany brought to Virginia to work for Spotswood in 1714, and the Second Colony of twenty families from the Palatinate and Baden-Wuerttemberg  area of Germany brought in 1717, but also include other German families who joined the first two colonies at later dates. Although many Germanna families later migrated southward and westward from Piedmont, Virginia, genealogical evidence shows that many of the families intermarried for generations, producing a rich genealogical heritage.

First Germanna Colony Timeline
  • Late spring of 1713: the people left Nassau-Siegen, apparently not in a single group
  • Summer of 1713: the people arrived in London
  • January 1714: they left for Virginia on an unknown ship
  • Late March 1714: Spotswood first learns from Col. Nathaniel Blakiston, the agent for Virginia in London, that Germans are coming
  • April 1714: the Germans arrived in Virginia
  • 1716: they started mining operations at the silver mine
  • 1718, early in the year: they were instructed to search for iron
  • During 1718: the search for iron continued and a statement in a courthouse says they worked until December of 1718 at mining and quarrying. Also during the year they made their commitment to buy land at "Germantown." By December of 1718, Spotswood says he spent about 60 pounds on the endeavor so there was no iron furnace.
  • January 1719: they moved to Germantown. Pastor Haeger may not have moved at this time. By this time they had completed the four years of service they committed themselves to in London.
Second Colony Timeline
  • 1717: Eighty-odd Germans from Wuerttemberg, Baden, and the Palatinate agree with Capt. Tarbett in London to take them to Pennsylvania in the ship Scott.
  • 1717/1718: Capt. Tarbett hijacks the Germans to Virginia where they become indentured servants of Lt. Gov. Spotswood
  • 1719/1722: Some of the Germans who left in 1717 arrived in Virginia at a later time
  • 1723/25: Spotswood sues many of the Germans
  • 1725: Most of these Germans move to the Robinson River Valley
  • 1733: Johann Caspar Stoever becomes their (Lutheran) pastor
  • 1740: The German Lutheran Church (Hebron Lutheran Church today) is built with funds raised in Germany
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Hans Jacob Holtzclaw * (1683 - 1763)
is our 7th great grandfather
 daughter of Hans Jacob Holtzclaw *
 daughter of Alice Katherine Holtzclaw *
 son of Margaret Peggy Darnell *
 son of William Bramblett *
son of William Bramblett *Jr.
son of Fielding Bramblett *
son of George Edward Bramblett *
 daughter of Walter Scott Bramblett *

Wednesday, April 3, 2013

Peter Caesar Alberti (1608-1655)

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Just a note I have a DNA match to Alberti, although it is a low probability match.  Five percent of my DNA was low probability matches to various countries.  Here is his story:
Excerpts from "Long Island's First Italian, 1639-Peter Caesar Alberti By Berne A. Pyrke" 
On May 28, 1635, in the evening, the ship de Coninck David, Captain David Pietersen de Vries, skipper, mounting fourteen guns and with a crew of five and twenty men, dropped anchor far down the bay into which the River of the Prince Mauritius poured its water, gathered in the far mountains. Two days later a boat was lowered, into which clambered Captain de Vries and five of the crew. Without an inkling of the fate in store for them, the oarsmen bent to the task of propelling the heavy boat to Fort Amsterdam, five Dutch miles away. No one of the boatload other than the skipper himself was destined ever again to tread the deck of the de Coninck David or of any other vessel. We may guess the reason for this labored method of approaching the fort. Two years before, de Vries had had an unpleasant experience with Wouter Van Twiller, the director general, which still rankled. Van Twiller had searched his ship, confiscated a few beaver skins, charged de Vries with violation of a regulation of the colony, and at one point in the controversy, had ordered the guns of the fort trained on de Vries' vessel, and threatened its destruction. This was bitter medicine to be swallowed by the proud-spirited de Vries, outstanding navigator of the Netherlands and co-founder of the ill-fated Swanendael of the South River, the more unpalatable coming from Van Twiller, just risen from a clerkship in the office of the Company in Amsterdam. De Vries had lodged a complaint in the home office and Van Twiller had learned of it from Kiliaen Van Rensellaer, his uncle. Under the circumstances, it was prudent for de Vries to feel out the situation before bringing his ship within gun range of the fort. There was urgency, however, in the call. The de Coninck David was leaking dangerously, and facilities for repair being lacking in the Virginias, de Vries was forced to make the unplanned run up the coast to New Amsterdam in search of assistance. On arrival at the fort, de Vries found Van Twiller still holding forth, but weighted down with troubles and in a mellow and co-operative mood. Shortly before, he had sent an armed force to the South River to suppress an attempt at colonization by a band of Englishmen from Point Comfort, Virginia, who had seized the site of abandoned Fort Nassau. He had captured the intruders and brought them to New Amsterdam, but was a wit's end to dispose of his troublesome guests. In addition, the English were again becoming aggressive at the Fresh River. All in all, he welcomed the opportunity to consult the experienced de Vries, who was well versed in the ways of the English and had established cordial relations with the settlers in the Virginias. De Vries, deep in conference with Van Twiller, and not indifferent to Van Twiller's unexpected hospitality, decided to remain at the fort while he sent his crew back to the ship. Providentially for him, as it developed, he had found at the fort, one Flips Jansz, an experienced pilot formerly in his employ, and he engaged Flips to accompany the crew and to bring in the ship. To the decision to remain at the fort de Vries owed his life.
With the return journey nearly completed and the de Coninck David but a mile or two away, a violent thunderstorm arose which the small boat found difficult in weathering. Filling with water it went entirely out of control. Two of the panic-stricken crew, Frenchmen, went overboard in a desperate attempt to swim to the ship and were drowned. Towards nightfall two more jumped into the water in a hopeless effort to swim to shore and were seen no more. This left Flips Jansz and de Vries' boatswain alone in the boat. For two days and three nights, the boat was tossed back and forth, the plaything of the maddened waves. In the afternoon of the third day the boatswain announced that he would abandon the boat. Flips' resignation to Providence brought reward. Within a quarter of an hour of the disappearance of the boatswain the boat was cast through the heavy surf to the shore of Long Island. Mustering his remaining strength, Flips dragged himself five or six paces from the water and fell exhausted. Friendly Indians found him, carried him to their habitations, and brought word of the tragedy to the anxious de Vries. Earlier, de Vries, mystified by the failure of the ship to arrive, sent one of the company's yachts to bring in the vessel, and without further untoward incident this was accomplished.
 When the de Coninck David made contact with the wharf, one of the crew, without ceremony leaped ashore, and with quickening pace moved into its shadow. The name of this ex-sailor, for he was to be a lands-man henceforth, was Pietro Caesar Alberto. A native of Malamocco, Republic of Venice, the first of the Italian race to become a settler in New Netherlands, and probably in all of North America, and the progenitor-to- be of all in America of the name Alburtis of Burtis, names once very common on Long Island. This informal and unplanned entrance into New Netherlands of Alberto is veiled heavily in mystery. He had been tentatively identified, by Louis P. De Boer, a Specialist in Old World antecedents of early American settlers, as Guilo Caesare Alberti. He had been baptized in the parish church of San Luca on June 20, 1608, as the son of Andrea Alberti, Secretary of the Ducal Treasury of Venice, and Lady Veronica, his wife. An older son, Pietro, it seems, had died previously, and later, when another son was born, he was also named Pietro, but to avoid an ill omen, was baptized Guilo. Skepticism is in order when high birth is imputed to early settlers in New Amsterdam.
 In 1635 life was hard and drab, and the rewards of effort meager. In that feeble community, struggling to complete its first decade of existence. In fact, it was without doubt one of the last spots on the planet, where one should have searched for a scion of the proud House of Alberti. A notable family of Gothic or Lombardic origin, widely spread in the south of Europe in the disturbed days of the Holy Roman Empire. The New Amsterdam of 1635 was badly and arbitrarily governed, and largely neglected by its sponsor, the Dutch West India Company. Hedged about with savages of uncertain disposition and unpredictable behavior, and already feeling the uncomfortable pressure of the expanding and land-hungry Yankees to the north, they were also forced to meet an occasional aggression from the English well to the south.
 It was in that precise year that the New England Council granted to William, Earl of Stirling, all of Long Island, under the name of the Isle of Stirling, and accompanied the grant with a stern denunciation of the Dutch settlers as intruders. This may have seemed, at the time, as little more than an un-neighborly gesture, but it was deeply portentous of things to come. In a score and a half of years, Colonel Nicholls, an Englishman, with an ample fleet at his back; would, with one daft, utterly lawless, though bloodless strike, sponge all of New Netherlands from the map. Making effective the regal gift of other people's property to the Duke of York and Albany, at the hands of his delightfully generous brother, Charles II.
It is conceivable that Albert's engagement as a crew member on the de Coninck David was animated by a spirit of adventure and that his impulsive decision to throw in his fortune with New Amsterdam was an escape from unhappy, perhaps intolerable, relations with de Vries, who seemingly lacked enthusiasm for Italians. Once in a description of the Indians, de Vries remarked, "They are very vengeful, resembling the Italians." Thirst for adventure was an inborn quality of the Venetians, exemplified in its most bizarre form in the fabulous journeys of Marco Polo into the vastness of Asia, resulting in discoveries fully as momentous as those a little later in the New World of his fellow Italian, Columbus. In truth it was the enchanting tales of Polo, of the riches and wonders of distant China, which fired the imagination of the people of Europe and led indirectly to the discovery of America. The voyage of Captain de Vries in 1634 to South America was calculated to appeal to a spirit of adventure. The fourteen guns gleaming on the deck of the de Coninck David testified pointedly that this was not to be a pleasure cruise. The Thirty Years' War was in full swing and to the natural perils of a trans-Atlantic voyage of that day, were the added hazards of seas haunted by vessels of war, privateers, and pirates.
The outward voyage of two months to Guinea was commonplace enough for the circumstances of the period. The thirty planters were landed in their new home and set to work. After a month spent in organizing his new colony, which like the earlier one at Swanendael, was destined to a short life, de Vries sailed for Virginia in the expectation of recouping the cost of his voyage by exchanging the merchandise of his cargo for good Virginia tobacco leaf. Barely had he started when tidings came of dangers ahead. A refugee told of his escape from the Spaniards, "who had killed between 500 and 600 Englishmen". A little later, off the West Coast of Spain, de Vries encountered a fishing boat with a wood sloop in tow, filled with English refugees who had fled from the island of Tortuga to escape Spanish vengeance. The boats were so laden with human freight that they could not move and de Vries was importuned to take fifty of the unfortunates to a place of safety. De Vries was willing but his crew objected that in such a time it was dangerous to take on board so many strangers, outnumbering the crew two to one. After a long "discourse" in which de Vries sought to quiet the fears of the crew by pointing out that the strangers were not seamen but planters who would not run away with the ship, the views of the skipper prevailed and the Englishmen were taken on board. The reluctance of the crew is understandable in a time when piracy thinly disguised as privateering was one of the most popular, as well as rewarding, forms of patriotic enterprise.
 It is possible that Alberto may have been one of the leading insurgents in this attempt to flout the captain's authority, and the incident may have been the deciding factor in Alberto's determination to break the bond with de Vries. The event determined that de Vries' judgement was sound, as the refugees were safely landed in Virginia, where de Vries unloaded his cargo and after a month's delay pointed for New Amsterdam for repairs to his leaky vessel.
Whether Pietro Alberto was patrician or plebian, the story of his subsequent life in New Amsterdam, as it can be reconstructed in broken outline from the sparse records that have survived three centuries, has interest. There is no way of knowing the reception which Alberto was accorded when he suddenly injected himself into the life of New Amsterdam which is described as containing "a roving waterside population of sailors, longshoremen and traders, including many rough and shiftless characters". But if there was any lifting of eyebrows at the appearance of this unusual type of "foreigner", Alberto could have retorted, in the words of St. Paul, "I am a citizen of no mean city". For Malamocco had for centuries been one of the great powers of Europe, despite its small territory and a permanent population never exceeding 200,000. Dubbed the "Mistress of the Adriatic", it was much more than that. It dominated the carrying trade of the Mediterranean and was an important factor in the coastal trade along the Atlantic seaboard, and its mariners had no superiors anywhere.
 Alberto's first years in New Amsterdam are enshrouded in mystery. Nothing is known beyond the fact that he followed a humble but useful occupation to win his daily bread. We first hear of him in 1639 and in an interesting connection. De Vries was back in New Amsterdam, this time not on his own ship but in a trading vessel of the Company. Again he was bent on founding a colony, this time a patron-ship on Staten Island. Alberto was planning a reception for him, but not in the modern Grover Whalen manner. In January of 1639 Alberto jailed de Vries to compel payment of wages remaining unpaid from the 1635 voyage. De Vries, always belligerent, defended the suit on the ground that Alberto had deserted the ship - as indeed he had - and thereby forfeited the balance unpaid. Alberto was able to produce a witness to show justification for leaving, in that de Vries and twice on the voyage threatened to set Alberto ashore, once in Cayenne and later in Virginia. The court awarded Alberto ten guilders.
 In the same year there is evidence that Alberto had moved up a rung or two in the economic ladder, for on December 15, 1639, he entered a contract with Pieter Montfoort to make a plantation and build a house at the Waal-Bogt "Bay of the Foreigners". It was not until a year and a half later that Alberto secured a patent for the land from the Director General and council of New Amsterdam. Four years subsequently he received a second patent for an adjoining parcel. It is plain that Albert took possession before acquiring formal title. He may have entered into possession under an Indian purchase, but more likely as a squatter, counting upon securing a confirmatory grant form the Dutch authorities in due season. The two farms had a river frontage of about 700 feet, and with the land of Michael Picet, comprised the area now laying between Claremont and Hampden Avenues in modern Brooklyn.
It is a certainty that Alberto was one of the first occupants of land on the Long Island Shore of the East River, and he may well have been the first producer of tobacco on Long Island. It is a pleasing fancy that he derived his idea of becoming a tobacco grower and his understanding of the appropriate cultural practices during the month that the de Coninck David was berthed in the Virginias. The first patent for a "tobacco plantation" in New Netherlands was granted to Thomas Besher on November 28, 1639, a few weeks before Alberto made the contract with Montfoort to make a plantation and build a house. Besher's land was "on the beach of Long Island", probably at Gowanus. There is no way of determining whether Alberto or Besher was the first to make a tobacco crop, but surely Alberto was among the first planters of tobacco on Long Island. Three years before, Jacobus Van Curler was the patentee of an extensive area which became New Amersfoort and later Flatlands, but there is nothing at had to indicate that tobacco was a crop there. The next glimpse we get of Alberto was when he embarked on his greatest adventure, marrying a wife. Among the early marriage records of the Reformed Dutch Church in New Amsterdam is the following entry:1642 den 24 August, Peter Petro Albert, j.m. Van Venetian en Judith Jans, j.d. Van Amsterdam.
 The bride was the daughter of Jan Manje and his wife, Martha Chambart. The Manjes were probably Walloons, that ancient and interesting race of French-speaking provinces of southern Netherlands, many of whom having fled into the northern Netherlands to escape religious persecution were ready immigrants to New Netherlands. They constituted the first farmer element in the new province. Jan Manje has some claim on fame because of being one of the very few casualties of Kieft's insensate Indian War whose identity can be definitely established. As he lay dying from wounds received at the battle of Stamfor, Connecticut (1644), he availed himself of a soldier's privilege of making a nuncupative (oral) will by declaring his testamentary intentions to Councilor La Montage. La Montage, a distinguished physician, while opposed to the war, led the Dutch forces and was Manje's commander, and the appropriate person to receive, and later confirm in court, the dying man's last wishes. Both de Vries and La Montage had protested but without avail when Kieft had declared earlier his intention "to wipe the mouths of the savages".
In the twelve years following the marriage of Pietro and Judith, seven children were born to them. All were properly baptized in the New Amsterdam Dutch Church and given mainly Dutch names - Jan, Marles, Aert, Marritje, Francytie, Willem and Francyn. In selecting names for their offspring Pietro and Judith followed the Dutch custom in naming their first and second-born, Jan and Marles (Martha) for the maternal grandparents. If the practice was adhered to in the naming of the children later born, it may be inferred that the name of the Father of Pietro was Arturo or Gugliermo, rather than Andrea as suggested by De Boer. Of the seven children, Francytie died in infancy and Marles probably did not reach maturity. The early home of the Albertos was on the Heere Graft (Broad Street), from which they moved prior to 1643. This street in early days was "the favorite dwelling place of the quality", but it is not intended to suggest that the Albertos were of that rank. Both Pietro and Judith died shortly before November, 1655. From an allusion in the records to the "stewards of the Deat (dead) and of the Indian sufferers" in connection with the guardianship of the children, an inference has been drawn that they lost their lives in an Indian raid, to which their location on Waal-Bogt might have exposed them. There is no record of how the orphaned group were held together in their precarious situation, following the deaths of both parents. Fifteen years or more later, the records show that the daughters have married and the sons have moved from the Waal-Bogt up Newton Creek and become established at Maspat Kills. Contact with that English community has Anglicized the Dutch given names: Jan has become John, Aert Arthur, and Willem William. John, married Elizabeth, daughter of John Scudder, and early became a substantial property owner and a citizen of recognized standing. Alburtus Avenue in Queens is a present day reminder of the rank of the family in Newtown two and a half centuries ago. Arthur, married Elizabeth, daughter of James Way, a favorably known English-born Quaker, settled in the Foster's Meadows section of Hempstead about 1690 and became the progenitor of the Burtises who for decades were numerous in Hempstead and Oyster Bay. William, whose wife was Mehitabel, moved, about 1701, from Newtown to New Jersey, and eventually became lost to view.
The evolution of the family named Alberto, to the present day style Burtis, is not lacking in interest. The Dutch of the New Netherlands did not generally use surnames. When Pietro Caesar Alberto appeared among them, his full name, especially the cognomen, Alberto, gave them difficulty, and never received complete acceptance. In the records he is described in more than a score of styles, ranging from Pietro Malamocco to Peter Schoorsteenveger, the first indicative of his place of origin, and the second descriptive of his early vocation in New Amsterdam. These variations arose not from uncertainty on the part of Alberto as to his true name, but generally from the language predilection of the clerk, or sometimes the dominie, preparing the document or entering the record. In the court action against de Vries, Alberto was described as Cicero Pierre. It was doubtless a clerk trained in French who wrote the name Pierre. The substitution of Cicero for Caesar occurring in this instance and once five years later when Alberto receipted for his wife's share of her father's estate, cannot be explained except on the ground of the scrivener's confusing the names of the two classical writers, Caesar and Cicero. With the fondness of the Dutch for nicknames, it is a certainly that Alberto in the common speech of the community was called "Peiter the Italian", more formally Pieter Ceser, and occasionally Pieter Mallamacque. The Latin form "Albertus" is clearly a gift of the church through the classically trained Dominie Everardus Bogardus. In that period men attached to the learned professions and particularly individuals engrossed in the classics affected Latinized name forms, of which Everardus Bogardus is an example. Through the baptismal records of the New Amsterdam Dutch Church the Latinizing process at work on the name Alberto can readily be followed. At the time of his marriage, there is no touch of the Latin in the recording of his name as Peter Petro Alberto, but with the baptism of the first child the Latin becomes manifest. When Jan was baptized the father is entered as Petrus Petro Alberto. At the baptism of the second child, Marles, there is a slight backward step, as the father becomes Cesar Alberto, alias Pieter de Italian. Two years later Aert is baptized, and there for the first time the Latin Albertus appears, the father being described as Caesar Albertus. For more than thirty years thereafter and extending down to the second generation, the form "Albertus" is consistently adhered to in the church record. The last family entry was made on October 1, 1676, when Judith, the child of Jan Pietersen Bandt and Marie Pieters (Alberto) was baptized and the child's uncle was recorded as a witness under the name of "Willem Albertus". Dominie Bogardus may have been in a whimsical mood in applying the Latinizing technique to the Alberto family. Conscious that not a few Dutchmen, himself included, had dubbed themselves with Latin names, he may have concluded that it was fitting that the only real Latin among them should, regardless of cultural attainments, be accorded a similar dignity. The change from Albertus to Burtis was probably not in the beginning a matter of decision by the family. The Latin name Albertus was hard for the Dutch to handle, and at an early date it was occasionally the shortened, even in the records to Burtes, Burtos or Burtis. Eventually, the family conformed to the practice of the community, and in about the fourth generation the name Burtis was in nearly universal use. Member of the Burtis family intermarried with a considerable portion of the early Long Island families, including Baylis, Bedell, Carman, Clowes, de Bevois, Dorlom, Duryea, Foster, Fox, Hendrickson, Higbie, Linnington, Mott, Remsen, Van Nosterand, Way and Wycoff. The family speedily became known as Dutch as indeed it was, reflecting the preponderance of Dutch blood through intermarriage. At the normal rates of proliferation there should be in the United States at the present time, upwards of three thousand persons who embody the Alberto genes. Yet, probably not more than a score of them have awareness of their descent from the venturous, industrious, resolute Pietro Alberto.
 Three centuries ago, finding himself, by the whim of fate in an alien community, he adapted himself to his new environment, as if to the manner born. He conformed to the prevailing religion of the community, took to himself an Amsterdam wife, presented his children at the alter of the Dutch church for baptism in Dutch names, in short, became a Dutchman in everything but name and blood. But more important, he established himself as a worthy prototype of the hundreds of thousands of his countrymen. Who, in the intervening years followed his blazed trail to our shores and through their abundant gifts of body, mind and spirit, have contributed significantly to the development and well-being of this, their adopted land.
Pietro Caesar Alberto, Alberti, Albertus * (1608 - 1655)
is our 9th great grandfather
son of Pietro Caesar Alberto, Alberti, Albertus *
daughter of Jan John Albertis *
daughter of Elizabeth Alburtis *
daughter of Mary Jane Stewart *
son of Barbara Ann Reid *
daughter of John Read Long *
son of Nancy Jane Long *
daughter of Levi Springer *
daughter of Mary Mariah Springer *
son of Mary Lou Ella Stewart *